Brexit: Relations 'fraying' between Ireland and Britain - BBC News
The Irish prime minister says Brexit is fraying relations between Ireland The UK government says "nothing we agree with the EU will risk a. The financial collapse, and Ireland's experience of the EU-led “troika” on the relationship between local, national, and European democracy, which is as. The decision by the vast majority of the Irish people to join the European Communities in has had an impact on our development as a nation that not.
One major difference between the Irish debt crisis of the late s and that which is being dealt with now, was the ratio that existed between public and private debt.
In the late s private debt, that owed by individuals, was a only a small proportion of the national debt. From the beginning of the 21st century this began to reverse so that now private debt is a multiple of the Irish national debt. The culture of private debt in Ireland has changed significantly during that period informed partly by the property boom, and the need of many to acquire more property, especially property for speculative purposes. Add to this greater use of credit cards and accessing personal loans for cars and holidays, and we now have individuals and families in Ireland dealing with levels of personal debt that have never been seen or lived with before.
So far I have tried to explain how Ireland has come to where it has in this crisis.
Ireland and the European Union - Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
For the rest of this article I will try to explain how quick fix austerity policies cannot work in Ireland, and most probably cannot work in the rest of Europe either. In the first instance the rapid increase in public sector wages and social welfare payments has created an expectation that cannot be easily taken away, much less understood.
Large scale reductions would also affect spending by a significant number of consumers within the economy, spending already undermined by a cost of living that has reached for many unbearable heights. To bring these payments into line with European wages and rates would require a freeze in rates or increases over several years that are less than the rate of inflation.
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Secondly encouraging across the board cuts can be counter-productive. Identifying waste and rolling back areas of over-expenditure is obvious. Stopping expenditure in areas that were meant bring about future positive activity creates unnecessary financial black holes. While in government the Irish Green Party put up a strong defence to protect education spending believing that education was economically as well as socially important. Greens in Ireland would have concerns that money invested in renewable technologies, which had seem a marked increase during the period the Green Party had been in government, would now become less.
My third point would be that building confidence is more important than subventions of money to an economy. One of the better effects of the Celtic Tiger economy was creation of a sense of confidence in the Irish economy for the first time since the foundation of the State. However superficial the economic indicators that underpinned the Celtic Tiger, for the first time Irish people were prepared to believe we could cast off our post-colonial economic baggage and compete in the global economy.
An indication of how far Ireland had come in this regard could be seen by progress achieved since the country had entered the then European Economic Community in This confidence has also been an important factor in attracting foreign direct investment into Ireland.
There are other, probably greater reasons, why US based multi-nationals have chosen Ireland as their European base. Undoubtedly having a base and being able to trade in the European Union is the best reason many of these companies have chosen to locate in Ireland.
The reason for a unified rate was because of an agreement reached by the European Council of Ministers that each EU member country should only have a unified corporation tax rate.
It was a European Union decision that brought about this decision. Campaigning is well underway for the Irish referendum on the fiscal treaty My fourth point would be that the road to recovery for the Irish economy has to be export led. This depends on maintaining and attracting new foreign direct investment, through which most Irish exports are produced. Of course global investment is mobile but in the short term it is vitally important that Ireland maintains incentives in this area.
There is a longer term policy at play here.
Multi-national investment creates much secondary economic activity in the Irish economy, they also create an opening for parallel development for indigenous companies to grow in these areas. This argued that targeted economic growth would follow strategic investment in key areas such as renewable technologies, information technology, food production and tourism.
Citizens need to believe that change has positive consequences. The collective Irish psyche up until the Celtic Tiger period has been predisposed to negative thinking.
We are sadly seeing signs of this attitude beginning the re-emerge especially with the unwelcome return of emigration that is seeing many thousands of young Irish people leave the country — a veritable brain drain.
Inward thinking has led to feeling of isolation which leads me to my sixth point. It sees how the UK has backed down before in these talks. It sees how little serious no-deal planning has been done.
It calculates that there is another climbdown coming. But this is a dangerous assumption. Tellingly, when she met the cabinet this week, no one wanted to accept what the EU was offering.
Well, the best option in the current circumstances is an all-UK backstop that would come with an exit mechanism. The House of Commons would almost certainly prefer this kind of deal to no deal.
Relationship with the EU
Another option is being whispered about in private by cabinet ministers: It would be expensive. An acrimonious no deal is still an option, with Mrs May reneging on whatever she promised last December — with significant disruption.
Ironically, this would hit Ireland as hard, if not harder, than the United Kingdom. There has been a subtle shift in recent days within the cabinet. Ministers who used to say Britain could not possibly leave without a deal are now starting to say they could not possibly give in to this pressure from Brussels. One cabinet member — a Brexit swing-voter — now believes Mrs May should start to tell voters how tough no deal will be but that the EU may well have left us with no respectable alternative.
Ireland and the EU – a relationship transformed by austerity | European Greens
The threat of cabinet resignations has also receded for the time being. Nothing is being agreed with the EU, so there is nothing to walk out over. But no deal still poses a host of problems. First, the lack of preparation — which is, amazingly, deliberate. Serious planning only started this summer.
It would be a special kind of incompetence to end up in a no-deal scenario, while not having properly prepared for it. Public anger at EU intransigence would soon be replaced with irritation at the bungling British government.
This is assuming that no deal is allowed to proceed. Ireland was, to all intents and purposes, an underdeveloped appendage of the British economy, and membership alongside the United Kingdom was deemed by most of the Irish political and economic establishment as virtually axiomatic. Irish policy makers, however, took full advantage of the opportunities offered by membership; in particular the Common Agricultural Policy, the direct transfers that derived from cohesion, regional and structural funding, and the opportunity to present the country as a successful location for Foreign Direct Investment FDI with access to the entire European market.
There are perhaps four key themes to be analyzed with respect to Ireland and its membership of the European Union. The first is the question of a small state and its sovereignty. Having a seat at the main table—alongside the former imperial hegemon—was deemed to be a major advance, one that allowed the state more effectively to pursue its interests—including the resolution of conflict on the island of Ireland. The prospect of Brexit and its consequences for peace and security on the island is also a contemporary challenge in that regard.
A second theme of inquiry is that of Irish economic development within the European Union. In contrast to other similarly under-developed states and regions in the EU, Ireland is seen by many as something of a poster child for making a success of EU membership.